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1. COMMENT

FBI Name Checks And Mandamus

We wish to highlight a quote on the efficacy of mandamus actions
with respect to FBI name checks by a government official, (for
the full DHS Office of Inspector General report, see here: <
http://www.ilw.com/immigdaily/news/2007,1221-oig.pdf)

Previous options that USCIS had for completing these
four types of cases in a timely manner were insufficient. Given
their partially automated systems, staffing level, and number of
customers other than USCIS, the FBI's National Name Check Program
officials said they could not complete USCIS' routine cases more
quickly. The American Immigration Lawyers Association said that
lawyers have begun to recognize that filing mandamus lawsuits
helps to expedite FBI name check results. The USCIS Office of
Chief Counsel estimated there were 1,000 cases filed in the
federal courts last year naming USCIS as a party, of which 80 to
90 percent relate to security checks. This "solution" may assist
applicants, but the volume of cases consumes USCIS time and
resources that could be used elsewhere. Regardless, there are not
enough "expedite" slots for all pending FBI name
checks.

According to the OIG report, there were 1,000 pending FBI name
check cases in FY 2004. Immigration Daily has learned that the
backlog since mushroomed to over 5,000 cases. Immigration Daily
predicts that mandamus actions will likely occur with increasing
frequency unless the Executive Branch delivers faster service on
FBI name checks.

We welcome readers to share their opinion and ideas with us by
writing to mailto:editor@ilw.com.
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Chile immigrant gets prison for self-made child P-orn tape

Friday, December 21, 2007
BY RUDY LARINI
Star-Ledger Staff

A 43-year-old undocumented immigrant from Chile was sen tenced yesterday to more than 18 years in federal prison for transporting child ****ography -- a videotape he made in Chile of himself having *** with his 7-year-old niece.

Luis Misael Castro Valenzuela of Union City was ordered to serve 220 months in prison by U.S. District Judge Stanley R. Chesler, who said the man's conduct deserved "an extremely severe sentence."

"He has demonstrated that he is a pedophile, plain and simple," the judge said.

Speaking through an interpreter, Valenzuela apologized for what he did and asked for leniency, citing his five children and his sick wife and parents.

"I want to say I'm sorry," he said. "I know that what I did, there's no name for it, no words. I acted very badly. I made an error and I'm very repentant and this is from my heart. I just need this mercy for me and if your honor could, to let me free now."


Chesler countered: "You're right, Mr. Valenzuela. People make mistakes and sometimes they have to face the consequences of their conduct."

Valenzuela was arrested in May 2006 -- a month after illegally entering the United States -- when he was reported by a relative who caught him masturbating while watching the videotape.

Chesler said that on the videotape, the victim can be heard cry ing out, "Stop, Uncle!"


"The court viewed the videotape and need not go into explicit detail," the judge said.

Valenzuela pleaded guilty in May to a charge of transporting child ****ography into the United States. Assistant U.S. Attorney Paul B. Matey said Valenzuela would be subject to deportation once his sentence is served.

Assistant Federal Public Defender John Yauch had argued for a sentence at the low end of the range for the offense, which is punishable by five to 20 years in prison.

"We do not dispute by any means that the conduct of the defendant is extremely disturbing," Yauch said. "There's no two ways about it and we don't take any issue with it. It's uncontested."

But Yauch argued that the crime rightfully should be prosecuted in Chile, where the sexual as sault occurred.

"To put it bluntly, this is Chile's problem, not the U.S.'s," he said. "Surely further punishment awaits Mr. Castro Valenzuela upon his de portation to Chile."

But Matey called for the maxi mum prison term, citing Valenzue la's production of the child ****ography and his own admission that there is no word or name for what he did.

"I would submit that there is a word and it is horrific," Matey said.

"We don't have to speak about the suffering of the child because we can see it in vivid detail in the video," he said. "Mr. Valenzuela is more dangerous and more culpable than someone who had transported child ****ography that they did not produce themselves."

Rudy Larini may be reached at rlarini@starledger.com or (973) 392-4253.

http://www.nj.com/news/ledger/jersey/index.ssf?/base/ne...320239380.xml&coll=1


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New ICE chief discusses raids, goals

Julie Myers says additional oversight and reduced expenses have helped her agency cope with an increase in arrests of employers and illegal immigrants.

By Nicole Gaouette
Q & A
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
December 22, 2007

WASHINGTON -- In the contentious arena of immigration enforcement, Julie L. Myers sits in one of the hot seats. Myers is the director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency responsible for finding and deporting illegal immigrants. When appointed by President Bush in 2005, Myers was criticized for her relative youth (she was 36), limited experience and personal connections to the administration. She was confirmed Wednesday by the Senate after a few uncertain weeks in which critics questioned her judgment and commitment to targeting employers of illegal immigrants. Myers won confirmation with the backing of ICE employees, some of whom went to Capitol Hill to testify on her behalf. She spoke to The Times about ICE's record, its controversial immigration raids, Congress' failure to overhaul immigration laws and her goals for next year.

What has ICE accomplished in 2007 in terms of immigration enforcement?

On the work-site enforcement side, both our criminal arrests [of employers] and administrative arrests [of illegal immigrants] are up well over 100%. We have transformed detention and removal by ending "catch and release" [in which illegal border-crossers were immediately let go because of a lack of detention space]. That is essential if you're seeking to restore the integrity of the immigration system. And we have reduced the time that other-than-Mexican detainees are held. The average length of stay has gone down from 90 days to 37.5 days -- that's good for taxpayers; that's good for the aliens.

In a number of high-profile ICE raids last year, children were separated from their parents when the parents were detained and deported. Has ICE made any policy changes to address this issue?

After New Bedford [the Massachusetts city where dozens of children of illegal immigrants were stranded after their parents were arrested in a raid], we partnered with the Division of Immigration Health Services . . . to do an initial triage to ask people about sole-caregiver and medical issues. We found that sometimes in raids people were not telling us the truth when we asked if they had children, but we found they were more willing to tell DIHS the truth. We're always looking to see if we can improve, but I will say our immigration laws put people in a difficult situation sometimes -- I mean, the folks who come into our country illegally, then have a child and put that child at risk.

When you were first appointed in 2005, a lack of detention space made it hard to detain illegal immigrants caught at the border. What is the situation now?

We need to be smarter and need to look at alternatives, like the electronic travel document program. You can't send someone back to their country until you get a valid travel document from that country. In the past, it was couriered or FedExed. Now we have partnerships with countries like El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. We provide computers and a link to share information that the alien provides, including their criminal history, and these countries can provide back to us an electronic travel document that we can use to send the person on their way. It reduces the time to get the document from several weeks to days.

ICE is facing lawsuits over conditions in its detention facilities. Some are said to be chronically overcrowded or lacking adequate medical and dental care. What are you doing to address these problems?

We want to make sure every individual is treated safely and fairly, so we're adding oversight in our detention facilities. We've developed teams of quality-assurance specialists [to inspect our facilities]. We created that position in June and the first group started in the summer. . . . We also looked at all of our agreements with state and local institutions and developed a new boilerplate contract which explicitly provides for more oversight.

Are you working on alternatives to detention?

In two ways. We're expanding an alternative-to-detention plan [in which people are not detained while they await deportation] and looking at why it is in some parts of country that, if people on alternative detention are ordered to leave, they actually leave. In some areas we have high compliance, and in other areas it's low. How does that work? We want to get at root issues of why it's more successful in some areas than in others. One area where it works is Miami. Nongovernmental organizations are very involved there -- is that it?

We also have [illegal immigrants coming out of jails and into our custody]. . . . In 2006 we had 67,000 aliens, in 2007 we had 147,000 aliens and this year we expect 180,000. One thing we're doing -- including in California -- is modeled on New York and Arizona, where we provide for early parole for nonviolent aliens if they have a removal order [to be deported]. That saves money. New York has done this since 1995 and saved over $140 million; Arizona has done this for two years and saved $13.5 million.

How has Congress' failure to overhaul immigration laws affected your work?

We were very hopeful Congress was going to pass comprehensive immigration reform. The men and women of ICE have a very difficult job, based on the expectations of the American people. In my home state of Kansas, we only have five ICE agents. There are two major smuggling routes through the state, but there's no detention space and no immigration court. It's going to be a challenge there.

When ICE's Fugitive Operation Teams go after criminal illegal immigrants, or those who have ignored a deportation order, are they also encouraged to make "collateral" arrests of other illegal immigrants in the area, even if they aren't predators or absconders?

The emphasis has been, certainly since June or July, the opposite emphasis. What I was seeing is that you would have some very high number of fugitive absconders that they apprehended, and a very, very small number of others, mostly individuals likely here illegally. I thought it prudent to focus on those who had removal orders in place.

You are facing a lawsuit over forcibly giving antipsychotic drugs to people who are about to be deported and put on planes but are not resisting deportation. Has that policy changed at all?

Can't talk about that other than to say we did make changes with respect to our policy.

What would you say to the 2005 critics?

I think I've proved my critics wrong. I was so flattered and honored by the support of a number of the men and women at ICE and to hear that people . . . went up to the Hill to argue on my behalf.

I think my record speaks for itself, and I'm very glad I am able to stay.

nicole.gaouette@latimes.com
 
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In a number of high-profile ICE raids last year, children were separated from their parents when the parents were detained and deported. Has ICE made any policy changes to address this issue?

After New Bedford [the Massachusetts city where dozens of children of illegal immigrants were stranded after their parents were arrested in a raid], we partnered with the Division of Immigration Health Services . . . to do an initial triage to ask people about sole-caregiver and medical issues. We found that sometimes in raids people were not telling us the truth when we asked if they had children, but we found they were more willing to tell DIHS the truth. We're always looking to see if we can improve, but I will say our immigration laws put people in a difficult situation sometimes -- I mean, the folks who come into our country illegally, then have a child and put that child at risk.


AMEN . . if they had any dignity at all they would not break the law to come here and then breed in order to eat their young. Of course, nothing is EVAH THEIR FAULT OR RESPONSIBILITY.


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Christian Hansen for The New York Times
Union officials and community leaders attended a rally on Thursday across the street from the Fresh Direct plant in Queens. Two unions are vying to represent workers there.


Ruby Washington/The New York Times
People lined up on Tuesday to apply for jobs at the Fresh Direct plant in Long Island City.

Groceries on the Computer, and Immigrants in the Cold

By NINA BERNSTEIN
Published: December 22, 2007

For New Yorkers who crave onion-rosemary marmalade with their crostini, loathe the narrow aisles of the nearest supermarket or simply have no time to shop, Fresh Direct has been like a high-tech fantasy come true. With the touch of a computer mouse, it conjures up fresh, sophisticated groceries at the customer's doorstep.

The company has grown in five years from a dot-com dream to a $200 million business, and its Web site features "celebrity shopping lists" from quintessentially New York figures like Spike Lee, Edward I. Koch and Cynthia Nixon, a star of "*** and the City."

But now an eruption of low-tech troubles is drawing a spotlight to what lies behind the computer screen. Last week, the company abruptly lost more than 100 of the roughly 900 employees at its huge plant in Long Island City, Queens, including many of its most experienced workers, when they learned that federal officials planned to check their immigration status.

It is battling not one, but two unions that want to represent the workers, with the election to be held this weekend. City labor leaders and several elected officials rallied at City Hall on Friday to accuse the company and immigration authorities of trying to block the union drive.

And when Fresh Direct held a job fair this week, though hundreds of applicants lined up in the cold, many lost interest as soon as they learned about the low starting pay and low-temperature workplace: $7.85 an hour to pick and pack groceries at night, in 38-degree chill, often for more than eight hours at a stretch. "They said, ˜Dress as warm as you can,'" reported one disenchanted applicant, Joy Brewster, 22, as she emerged from a group job interview with a toss of her head. "I don't think so. I'd be stiff as a board."

Another applicant, Eibar Amaya, 47, an immigrant from Colombia who is now a United States citizen, gave his verdict in succinct, if imperfect English: "Pay too little, no good."

He now makes $12 an hour cleaning office bathrooms at night, he added in Spanish, and considering his legal status and valid driver's license, he expected something better.

Such comments underscore what may not be evident to the online shopper: that Fresh Direct's great successes "” Internet efficiency, competitive prices, an array of locally grown produce and a loyal, well-heeled customer base "” were built on a low-wage, transient work force that was anchored by illegal immigrants. And for all that, by its own account, the privately held company has yet to turn a profit for its investors.

"It's definitely a very competitive business," said Michael Garry, technology and logistics editor for Supermarket News, which covers the industry. "They're just one of many employers that are taking advantage of these people. But that certainly is going to clash with their P.R. image."

Jim Moore, the company's senior vice president for business affairs, defended its record as an employer as well as its financial health. Fresh Direct has participated in a government Social Security verification system since 2004, he said, and had no idea that some employees' documents were false.

Those who have left for fear of deportation now number about 100, he maintained, not 300, as organizers with Local 348S of the United Food and Commercial Workers insist.

He estimated the plant's normal turnover at 45 to 50 percent each year, which he called "not particularly high." And he said the job fair had produced more applicants than the company could possibly hire.

But among two dozen applicants who spoke with a reporter, only those with very limited options seemed undaunted by the job description "” plying frigid miles of conveyor belts carrying tubs of products from far-flung departments to a central packing area.

One applicant hoping to be called back was Abdul Hakim, 33, who said he recently served four years in prison. Another, Nathaniel Griffins, 60, said he was living in a nearby veterans' shelter and spent his mornings handing out free newspapers for $8.50 an hour. Like many other American-born and legal residents applying for work, they expressed sympathy for the illegal immigrants.

"Legal or not," Mr. Griffins said, "people got to find a way to feed their families."

Mr. Moore, the company vice president, acknowledged that many of the immigrant employees who fled, including butchers, kitchen workers and packers, had been with the company for three or four years and were among its most longstanding employees. Some had opposed unionization.

"They are very loyal folks who have been instrumental in helping us build the company," he said. "It's been incredibly hard for them and very, very sad for us."

To union organizers, however, his expression of regret rang false.

Both the food workers' local and Teamsters Local 805, the unions vying to represent plant workers, called the timing of the immigration audit highly suspect, and contended that under the immigration agency's own guidelines, it should have been delayed until after the vote on a union.

Both accused the company of using the audit as its latest tactic in an aggressive campaign against the union drive, suggesting that management had called in the immigration authorities, in an effort to intimidate or drive away union supporters.

Mr. Moore denied that accusation, and turned it around by saying that some unions unable to win over workers had been known to try to improve their odds by summoning immigration officials.

But there was no lack of other theories for why Fresh Direct might have appeared on the radar of immigration officials: a call by a disgruntled native-born employee; retaliation by an angry competitor; or Fresh Direct's high profile in the nation's media capital, which might make it an appetizing target for the Bush administration, intent on publicizing more aggressive enforcement of immigration laws.

The accusations and confusion partly reflect the relative rarity of immigration enforcement in New York's food industry.

Illegal immigrant employees abound in New York City's 11,662 registered food stores "” not to mention on the farms increasingly tapped as local suppliers of the tenderest arugula and tangiest goat cheese.

"On any given day, if immigration chose to, they could sweep into stores in any one of these five boroughs and literally take thousands and thousands of workers out," said Pat Purcell, the director of special projects for the Local 1500 of the United Food and Commercial Workers Union, which has 23,000 members in the New York area, including the employees at Fairway markets, which emphasize freshness and selection to please the most finicky shoppers.

Full-time employees at Fairway, a family-run company with a long union history, earn at least $14.75 an hour, with generous benefits and time-and-a-half for overtime, Mr. Purcell said.

But in contrast, dozens of upscale or specialty food stores are more obvious offenders than Fresh Direct, he added, because they pay their lowest-rung employees, often Mexicans, in cash, below minimum wage, without asking for any documents.

Older supermarkets in the city, too, have had their share of scandals. Several years ago, Gristedes and Food Emporium agreed to $3 million settlements after the state attorney general accused them and their delivery companies of paying some deliverymen, many of them Africans, just over a dollar an hour.

As for Fresh Direct's future, forecasts are contradictory. Nationally, only 1 percent of groceries are bought online, and such transactions are expected to nearly double by 2011, to $10.5 billion. But Fresh Direct keeps losing money, said Lawrence Sarf, the president of F & D Reports, a retail consulting company in Great Neck, N.Y.

"It has beautiful products, state-of-the-art equipment, and the best executives to raise money," Mr. Sarf said. "But it doesn't work."

In its campaign against the Teamsters this summer, the company stated in a flier, "We have yet to have a profitable year."

Mr. Moore now puts it differently. "We've taken the profits," he said, "and we've plowed them into growing the company. Our investors are very bullish on what we're doing."

Most customers seem bullish, too, despite expressions of remorse about the fate of illegal immigrant employees.

"We're all so liberal, but we're really taking advantage of all these people," said Betsy Jacobs, who described herself as a busy mother in her 40s who depends on Fresh Direct. "As a New Yorker, I really want to be helping these people, not hurting them."

Former Mayor Edward I. Koch, the company's first commercial spokesman, took a tougher tone. "The law should be enforced," he said. "If there are no jobs, the illegal aliens will go home."

"I am not for keeping prices down by underpaying the people who do the work," he added. "Unions should be the norm."

Actually, Mr. Koch confessed, he shops at Fairway and Citarella for his everyday needs, and uses Fresh Direct for large holiday orders. "Their produce is superb," he said. "But I think they have to pay going rates for labor."
 
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